Markedness: diagnostics and structure

Plan for today

  • Markedness as a structural property
  • Universalizing markedness
  • Markedness in SPE
  • Diagnosing markedness
  • How universal is markedness?

Markedness: the beginning

Classification of oppositions

Trubetzkoy (1939): three kinds of phonological oppositions

Trubetzkoy, Nikolai S. 1939. Grundzüge der Phonologie (Travaux Du Cercle Linguistique de Prague 7). Prague.
Privative

Presence of a property vs. its absence. Example: nasal vs. non-nasal

Equipollent

Presence of a property vs. the presence of a mutually exclusive property. Example: labial vs. dorsal

Gradual

What it says on the tin. Example: vowel height

The ‘mark’

In a privative opposition, one member is characterized by the presence of a ‘mark’ (Merkmal) and the other is characterized by its absence.

Important

This is a statement about the ‘logical structure of the opposition’, not the phonetics of it

This is an application of the ultimately Saussurean idea of ‘meaningful absence’: the absence of the mark has distinctive value because of the contrast with its presence.

This general structure is pervasive in language, most obviously in morphology.

In general, the presence of structure corresponds to more information relative to its absence.

Diagnosing markedness

  • How would we know that a phoneme bears a mark? By its behaviour
  • Some criteria:
    • Implicational relationships in inventories
    • Marked items are dispreferred in neutralization positions
    • Greater token frequency of the unmarked1

1 With a link to Zipf’s Law!

Universalizing markedness

Markedness beyond the mark

  • Jakobson (1941):
    • Marked units are the last to be acquired…
    • …and the first to go in language disorder…
    • …and this is all universal
  • General principles of markedness apply far beyond phonology
  • Also influential was Greenberg (1966), linking markedness to the new field of linguistic typology
Jakobson, Roman. 1941. Kindersprache, Aphasie und allgemeine Lautgesetze. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell.
Greenberg, Joseph H. 1966. Language universals: With special reference to feature hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton.

Does it even mean anything?

Markedness: An abstract measure of how unusual a particular linguistic structure is (Samuels 2011:208)

Samuels, Bridget. 2011. Phonological architecture: A biolinguistic perspective (Oxford Studies in Biolinguistics 2). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

OK, that was bit mean

Hume (2011):

Hume, Elizabeth. 2011. Markedness. In Marc van Oostendorp, Colin J. Ewen, Elizabeth Hume & Keren Rice (eds.), The Blackwell companion to phonology. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
Descriptive markedness:

An abstract relation holding over members of a set of observations displaying asymmetry, such that one subset is unmarked and the other is marked

Theoretical markedness

A universal principle or law that guides language acquisition, loss, inventory structure, processes, rules, etc. toward the ‘unmarked’ form

Markedness constraints

A technical term in Optimality Theory referring to a category of constraints that evaluate the well-formedness of output structures

Could you be more specific?

List from Rice (2007)

Marked Unmarked
less natural more natural
more complex simpler
more specific more general
less common more common
unexpected expected
not basic basic
less stable stable
appear in few grammars appear in more grammars
later in acquisition earlier in acquisition
early loss in language deficit late loss in language deficit
implies unmarked feature implied by marked feature
harder to articulate easier to articulate
perceptually more salient perceptually less salient
smaller phonetic space larger phonetic space

Markedness in phonology: further developments

Markedness in SPE

Chapter 9

Chomsky and Halle frame the problem as one of overgeneration: attested languages show markedness asymmetries, but their system does not provide for them. This ed them to introduce the machinery of markedness conventions, they unified with the redundancy rules we discussed yesterday. The reasoning is generally typological, although not based on very rigorous enquiry by modern standards.

Although markedness conventions, like redundancy rules and MSCs, mostly resided in the pre-phonological (lexical) component, they sometimes had to intervene in the operation of phonological grammar per se to make sure its output conformed to markedness theories (Chomsky & Halle used the device of ‘linking’ to achieve this).

Architecturally, markedness conventions added nothing new to representations: they were essentially rewrite rules of the form ‘if X then Y’, manipulating all the same feature values.

Markedness diagnostics

Or, what is it that are we trying to explain again? (Rice 2007)

Rice, Keren. 2007. Markedness in phonology. In Paul de Lacy (ed.), The Cambridge handbook of phonology, 79–97. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Emergence of the unmarked:

Neutralization

Submergence of the unmarked:

Unmarked elements are preferred targets, dispreferred triggers

Preservation of the marked

Marked elements are dispreferred targets, preferred triggers

Transparency and blocking

In long-distance processes, unmarked elements are transparent, marked elements are blockers

A closer look at the diagnostics

Typical reasoning: unmarked coronals

  • English assimilation: coronals undergo, non-coronals resist
    • ba[ŋ] cuts but *alar[ŋ] clock
  • Korean: coronals undergo and do not trigger
    • /kot-palo/ → [koppalo]
    • /pap-to/ → [papto], *[patto]
    • /ip-ko/ → [ikko]
  • Northern Sámi: place neutralization word-finally
GEN.SG NOM.SG Gloss
rusttega rusttet ‘building’
ustiba ustit ‘friend’
rievssaha rievssat ‘ptarmigan’
goaskima goaskin ‘eagle’
čálána čálán ‘writer’

Emergence of the unmarked

Warning

This sense of ‘emergence of the unmarked’ is quite different from TETU as understood in OT

This is our old friend: the neutralization criterion.

In non-assimilatory neutralization, outcomes tend to be unmarked

  • Final obstruent devoicing
  • Vowel reduction:
    • Centripetal to schwa (= minimally marked vowel)
    • Centrifugal to [i u (a/ə)] (= relatively unmarked2 inventory)
  • Coda weakening

2 Because well-dispersed and containing the most common vowels

Other criteria

  • Default vowel epenthesis
  • Default consonant epenthesis

So, what is the unmarked place?

This list relies heavily on work by Keren Rice, see Rice (2009), but some of this I got from various handouts

Rice, Keren. 2009. Nuancing markedness: A place for contrast. In Eric Raimy & Charles Cairns (eds.), Contemporary views on architecture and representations in phonology (Current Studies in Linguistics 48), 311–321. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Outcomes of coda neutralization: single-term systems
Inventory Examples
Stops /p/ Godoberi, Lhasa Tibetan, Nimburan
/t/ Finnish, Eastern Enontekiö Northern Sámi
/k/ Karasjok Northern Sámi, Ecuador Quechua (but also /n/)
/ʔ/ many
Nasals /m/ Lhasa Tibetan, Sentani…
/n/ Finnish, Koyukon, Sekani…
/ŋ/ tricky one!
Outcomes of coda neutralization: two-term systems
Inventory Examples
Stops /p t/ Kiowa
/p k/ German dialects, Korowai…
/t k/ Nanchang, Badimaya…
/p ʔ/ Jabêm
/k ʔ/ Yaw Burmese
Nasals /m n/ Trio, Sonora Hiaki…
/m ŋ/ Nganasan, Palauan…
/n ŋ/ various Sinitic

Coda neutralization in alternations

Coda neutralization in Yakkha
Infinitive 3SG.PST Gloss
lapma labana ‘seize’
apma abana ‘come’
jokma joɡana ‘search’
pʰaʔma pʰatana ‘help’
keʔma ketana ‘bring up’
liʔma litana ‘plant’
tʰuʔma tʰurana ‘sew’
poʔma porana ‘topple’
  • Preservation of the marked: /p k/ → [p k]
  • Submergence of the unmarked: /t r/ → [ʔ]
A markedness hierarchy

labial » dorsal » coronal » glottal

The coda inventory

labial = dorsal » coronal » glottal

Preservation of the marked

  • Nganasan
    • /koðaʔa-t/ \(\rightarrow\) [koðaʔaʔ] ‘they kill’
    • /koðaʔa-t-uŋ/ \(\rightarrow\) [koðaʔaðuŋ] ‘they kill (it)’
    • /tapkətə/ \(\rightarrow\) [tapkətə] ‘from there’

/t d/ \(\rightarrow\) [ʔ] in codas, but /p b/ are preserved

Submergence of the unmarked

  • Assimilation: English and Korean above
  • Modern Greek: front vowels are deleted in hiatus irrespective of the order

Transparency

High vowel transparency in Ifẹ Yoruba
ATR RTR
òɡùrò ‘spurtle’ ɔrúkɔ ‘name’
eúrò ‘bitter-leaf’ ɛ̀lùbɔ́ ‘yam flour’
oríwo ‘boil, tumour’ ɔdídɛ ‘parrot’
èbúté ‘harbour’ ɛúrɛ́ ‘goat’

Blocking

Blocking of vowel harmony in Kashaya Pomo
Place Gloss
Laryngeal mihiˈla ‘west’
weˈʔej ‘yonder’
waʔali ‘cane’
soʔhoj ‘seal’
huˈʔul ‘a while ago’
Supraralaryngeal biʔdu ‘acorn’
hoja ‘scoring sticks’
kʼaʔli ‘between’
hoˈpʰune ‘white-footed mouse’

Encoding markedness

Back to the ‘mark’

  • In the SPE system, the difference between ‘marked’ and ‘unmarked’ is stipulated by markedness conventions, and justified by appeal to substance
  • There is no clear link between how markedness is represented and what kinds of behaviour it is associated with
  • Recall that in Praguian phonology markedness was defined in terms of size or complexity
    • Marked = merkmaltragend

Markedness and size

A hypothesis

What traditional markedness diagnostics are picking up is the presence of structure

A corollary

Segments consist not of feature-value bundles but of unary features

There are many different traditions within the broad unary family, but arguably they are all unified by aiming to reflect this insight.

The coda condition: Japanese

  • Option 1: first half of a geminate
    • gakkoo ‘school’
    • tossa ‘impulsively’
    • kappa ‘legendary being’
  • NB! Enforced by alternation
    • /bet+kaku/ → [bekkakɯ] ‘different style’
  • Option 2: the nasal
    • Weak nasal prepausally: [hoN] ‘book’
    • Place assimilation before a consonant: [hoŋ ka] ‘book-Q’
    • Assimilated glide before a vowel: [hoĩ irɯ], [hoõ o], [hoɯ̃ arɯ]

Coda condition: there is either no place (the nasal in absolute-final position) or place borrowed from the following onset (obstruents, nasal before other segment)

More concretely: no place features allowed in coda

‘More marked’ means ‘bigger’

  • Coda conditions
  • Final/coda devoicing
  • Vowel epenthesis
  • Vowel reduction
    • Centripetal: remove place specifications
    • Centrifugal: remove more complex specifications
    • Raising: remove |open|
  • Implicational universals in inventories

‘Bigger’ means more phonologically active

  • Assimilation triggers
  • Harmony triggers
  • Harmony blockers

‘Smaller’ means less phonologically active

  • Assimilation non-triggers
  • Assimilation targets
  • Transparent segments in harmony

Some challenges

  • Equal in markedness = equal in size?
  • What about contextual markedness?
  • Where does structure come from?